Tag: economy

Is China OK?

China's economy grows at one of lowest rates in decades

For much of the last decade or so, Chinese friends and acquaintances, as well as many people I know in Singapore and Hong Kong, have remarked that their view of Europeans is a lazy and decadent people, too tolerant of the problems that beset their societies. This view is in part gentle mockery, and part sincere. Europeans, not used to being mocked, will look up from their Aperol spritz and ask what they are doing wrong?

Indeed, according to the latest (and fourth) University of Alberta ‘How China sees the World’ survey, it seems that most Chinese don’t rate the EU as a major geopolitical player, though a significant economic partner and more importantly, a tourism destination.

The survey highlights that the Chinese have a strong view of their country’s importance on the international stage, pitting it ahead of the USA in a bi-polar world order. The interesting elements in the survey are the casting of Russia as an indispensable, trusted partner on the international stage for China, and the confidence with which participants gauge a war with Japan as a likely geopolitical event.

To an extent, it is welcome to consider Chinese views on the rest of the world, granted the irony that for such an important economic and geopolitical player, there are relatively so few Western experts on China, and in Western public discourse there is not a well-developed conversation on Chinese culture and politics. Consider that there are very few Irish public figures who know China well, and the evolution of China’s economy does not get enough detailed attention in the Irish media, despite China’s enormous role in the world economy.

This might be because China makes it increasingly difficult for outsiders to understand it. In the past seven years, Western investment in China has dropped significantly, and the flow of Westerners to work in China has also fallen. A further illustration is that there are now fewer than 2000 Americans studying in China according to the Straits Times (down from 11,000 in 2019) while there are still some 250,000 Chinese studying in the US (down from 354,000 in 2019), and a further 150,000 Chinese studying in the UK (and close to 4,000 in Ireland).

The reduced social, political and commercial connection between China and the West makes it harder to read what is happening to the Chinese economy, with the additional concern that official Chinese data is not helpful either. Granted that China last week printed one of its lowest official GDP growth readings, this is a significant hurdle. Indeed, there is a sense amongst many Western economists that only an amalgam of very detailed, micro indicators (e.g. electricity usage) can help build a picture of what is really happening in the Chinese economy.

For example, In the USA, the Conference Board has reconstructed China’s economic data, and has concluded that not only has the performance of the Chinese economy overestimated, but it has been driven by the flow of huge amounts of capital into the economy that has steadily become less productive (in the sense that one dollar of capital leads to a decreasingly small return). It may be that the Conference Board team has gotten it wrong, but there is simply neither the forum nor the spirit for an open debate on Chinese data. Also, a prominent Chinese economist Gao Shanwen, who died of cancer last month, had stated publicly that the trend rate of growth in China is far lower than official figures suggest.

Despite that, the most interesting element is that the Chinese authorities have managed their economy better than most have thought, and to use a headline from the New York Times, China’s economy ‘has failed to fail’ in the sense that it has not had an obvious cyclical recession in decades.

If there is a strategy behind this, it looks from afar, as the state pushing activity from one economic engine to another. The Chinese property market has steadily deflated over the past six years, and the financial consequences of this have in my view not fully registered with banks and households. At the same time, through a mixture of state guidance and ruthless industrial competition, China has shifted the locus of activity to manufacturing (and the last Plenum, policy making forum, has ordained deep tech as the spearhead of the Chinese economic effort).

One consequence has been the creation of over-capacity, but in goods of sufficient quality and low production cost, that they displace European markets. Last week, exports of Chinese cars to Europe have just topped a monthly tally of 1 million, while European manufacturers (even Porsche) are struggling in China. The result is a crisis of confidence in German manufacturing, and a policy debate on how to curb the flow of Chinese exports into Europe.

In the past year, China has pursued an ‘involution’ policy, of reducing spare capacity across a range of industries, but this does not yet appear to have borne fruit and raises the risk that there is still a lot of operational leverage in the economy. Two other risks loom. One consequence of the funding of real estate and manufacturing through the banking sector is that in terms of assets, China’s banks are amongst the largest in the world, a systematic risk in the event of a downturn, and its public (including local and regional authority) debt, is dangerously high.

With trading partners, such as Germany, beginning to react to China’s export boom, the policy options for Beijing are increasingly limited as they try to maintain economic momentum. Another bad GDP print and investors will start to fear the worst.

Have a great week ahead, Mike

Modern Times

On May 15, 1932, there was an attempted coup d’etat in Japan, led by a militant, nationalistic faction in the Imperial Army. The principal victim was the Japanese Prime Minister, Inukai Tsuyoshi. The perpetrators of the coup were given relatively light prison sentences, a pointer to the less democratic and belligerent Japan that would soon follow.

The bizarre element of the coup, which fortunately did not succeed, was a plan to murder the actor Charlie Chaplin. The thinking was that such a deed would incite popular fury in the US, and thus lead to war, in which Japan would prevail. At the time of the coup, Chaplin was watching a sumo wrestling match with the Prime Minister’s son, and thereby escaped the assassins.

This was more than lucky and in many ways Chaplin’s film The Great Dictator is a fine riposte to the destructive nationalism and totalitarianism that took hold across the world from the mid 1930’s. It is a film that still resonates today in our world of ‘predators’.

While our view of Japan today is of a placid, highly civilized country, its history in the past two centuries is a reminder of the pitfalls of isolationism, nationalism and war – concerns that are now echoing louder across the international political economy debate. It should be said at the same time that the post second world war relationship between the US and Japan is a good example of how two feuding countries can come together (Al Alletzhauser’s ‘House of Nomura’ is good on this topic).

Yet, such was Japan’s economic rebound after the second world war that America feared the rise of Japan as it now does China, and fans of economic history may know that during the 1980’s and 1990’s Donald Trump was an eminent Japan-trade basher. For instance, the April 13 1987 cover of Time magazine carried an image of Uncle Sam pitted against a sumo wrestler under the banner ‘Trade Wars – the US gets tough with Japan’ (the stock market crashed five months later).

Now, following decades lost to the after-effects of its economic crisis, Japan is undergoing an awakening, spearheaded by the historic election of the first female prime minister of Japan, Sanae Takaichi. This awakening takes different forms, a more assertive diplomatic stance on China, a ramping up of defence spending amidst greater public comfort with the idea of Japan as a budding military power. Also, Japan’s government is ambitious for its economy and has announced a record state budget of 122 trillion yen (over Eur 600 bn), and Japanese firms like Softbank are in the vanguard of the AI boom.

There are two other financial aspects of this awakening. In an attempt to revitalize the Japanese economy, the Bank of Japan had kept interest rates at or below zero for some time. It has abandoned that policy recently and with both growth and inflation picking up, bond yields have surged. For much of the last fifteen years, the ten-year bond yield in Japan has been well below 1%, but in 2024-25 normalised toward the 1.5-2% range, and is now 2.7%, whilst the longer term 30-year bond yield is 3.95%.

As one of the world’s most indebted countries (Japan’s headline public debt to GDP ratio is well over 200% according to the IMF), the effect of this is that fiscal policy is increasingly smothered by the effect of interest payments on that debt, and policy is trapped between trying to grow the economy, control inflation and not upset the bond market.

Equally the yen is grabbing attention, falling to a forty-year low this week. Indeed, it might well be lower, but traders are wary of a market intervention by the Japanese authorities. There are several factors driving this, the hedging of foreign exchange risk by investors buying Japanese assets, real interest rate differentials, and worries over the effects of expansionary fiscal policy. A costly bout of yen intervention might be close.

As Japan’s asset prices hit records for largely the wrong reasons, it serves as a reminder that many large indebted economies exist on a financial tightrope between growth and calamity. Britain is the most prominent example, but Japan is a more systematic case and over the summer could be the source of a market wobble, if not outright crisis as bond market sell-offs become more common in our ‘age of debt’.

It’s all enough to make me think of Charlie Chaplin’s depression era film Modern Times.

Have a great week ahead, Mike

AI as an asset class

A very early career memory of mine came in late 1999 when the UBS investment bank took the team of analysts covering the staid Paper & Packaging team and re-directed them to become the ‘dot.com’ team. This I reckon came about six months before the peak of the ‘dot.com’ bubble and, I am now wondering if investment banks are channeling resources into AI banking teams (surely AI can do the work!). If so, it would be proof of the idea that AI is everywhere, from the Mythos breakthrough we wrote about a few weeks ago to, with good timing the thoughtful note, Magnifica Humanitas, from Pope Leo XIV on how AI should be deployed.

Nowhere is the sense that AI is everywhere more true than in finance. According to Pitchbook, 45% of all American unicorns (venture-backed companies with a valuation above USD 1bn) are AI-driven, not bad for a technology that, to public eyes, barely existed three years ago. In more detail, two earlier venture-backed successes, Bytedance (i.e. TikTok) and Uber had been established for 80 months when they launched their first products. OpenAI and Anthropic have done so after 30 months, and each is now worth close to USD 1 trn. Equally, illustrating the link between investor exuberance and AI, the FT recently estimated that two-thirds of the value of SpaceX is attributable to investments made in the company in the six months since December 2025.

When this trio of AI firms lists on the stock market, revised index inclusion rules will add their weight to the already substantial 44% representation of technology stocks in the major indices. To that end, AI is no longer a market theme or fad, but is becoming an asset class in its own right.

One of the factors that distinguishes a genuine asset class from a market theme or fad is the presence of a transformative technology, with a lasting economic impact. In the context of an otherwise pedestrian US economy, AI capital expenditure is the dominant growth driver and in the last year, expenditure on data centres in the US hit USD 1 trillion.

A comprehensive study from Stanford’s Forecasting Research Institute (March 2026) compared GDP forecasts from different types of forecasters – economists in the private sector, academics, AI experts and the general public. Unsurprisingly, those closest to the AI industry tended to have the highest GDP forecasts, while academics were more grounded. On balance though, there is a consensus view that AI will lift the trend rate of growth in the US.

There are also increasingly varied ways to invest in AI. An AI-centric portfolio can now span private equity, venture capital, infrastructure (clean energy for data centres), real estate (data centres), currencies such as the Korean won, corporate bonds (Amazon, Meta, Oracle and Alphabet have issued nearly USD 150bn in bonds this year) and private credit. Indeed, AI-related private credit investments are expected to grow by over USD 1.5 trn in the next two years. While there is already a rich mix of AI-centric asset classes, the correlations between them remain high, limiting the diversification benefit.

In addition to investment banks committing resource to AI-driven deals, another hint that AI is an emerging asset class is that it has its own distinctive mode of corporate governance – strong-willed founders who monopolise voting rights, enormous pay packets and neutered boards. This concentration of control is likely to prove one of the structural vulnerabilities of the AI complex as scrutiny from regulators and institutional investors intensifies.

Given the scale of AI’s footprint across markets, one of the essential tasks for investors will be to identify assets uncorrelated with AI (e.g. luxury goods, food), as well as hedges on AI assets. And, as the suspected AI bubble grows in value, investment managers will have to find ways of protecting portfolios against sharp reversals in AI valuations.

The investment dimension of the AI boom carries particular urgency. Given the risk that AI (as per Mythos) creates potentially existential security and economic risks, and could disrupt labour markets, there is a strategic need for pension funds and sovereign wealth funds to have exposure to the economic benefits of AI. As it stands, the risk is that billions of people will have their lives and livelihoods changed by AI, but the benefits accrue to only a narrow group of investors and executives. In that regard, the advent of AI as an asset class gives individuals, countries and investment funds a means of participating in the upside of the AI boom.

The one formidable obstacle investors will have to navigate is the sense that we are in the thick of an AI bubble. Already long-run valuation measures –  such as the ratio of market price to long-run earnings (the ‘Shiller P/E’), or the ratio of the value of the US stock market to GDP – are testing all-time highs, at levels not seen since 1929 and 2000. In this way, AI is truly everywhere, in our savings, investments and pensions, and that will be a risk.

To return to my first point on the switching of analyst roles. A couple of brokerages have, according to the Wall Street Journal’s China correspondent, dropped coverage of Chinese consumer stocks because of the weak outlook for spending. It might be the next trend to watch.

Have a great week ahead, Mike 

Lost at Sea

As a child I was fascinated and terrified by tales of the Bermuda Triangle, an area between Florida, Puerto Rico and Bermuda where ships and planes disappeared without warning, allegedly. Legend had it that a mysterious magnetic field around the Sargasso Sea drew vessels to perdition, or that even darker forces were behind the disappearance of the crew of the Mary Celeste.

Without stretching the analogy too far, my feeling is that financial markets have entered a logical Bermuda Triangle, or even Trilemma. Data, models, rules and indicators go in, but come out logically impaired. In particular, there is an unreal sense from at least three asset classes that are at historically extreme levels, each apparently contradicting the other. They cannot all be right.

In one corner, the US has, for the first time since 2007, issued long-term debt (30 years maturity) at a yield of 5%. Then, US stock market valuations are at an all-time high since 1929 and, as we stressed in last week’s note, semiconductor stocks are in a speculative frenzy. In another corner of the triangle, oil prices are pushing the highs of the last two decades.

This trio of market signals leaves investing logic in a grey zone — a Bermuda Triangle-like make-believe world. This stretched logic suggests that the prosperity and productivity of AI-related capital expenditure will rescue the world from both high inflation and a debt crisis, and will also prove powerful enough to compensate for the effects of a momentary energy crisis. I am not sure.

The confluence of these three indicators is interesting because each one points to a long-term trend that investors and policymakers cannot ignore, but equally, each one rests on a short-run vulnerability.

Rising bond yields in Europe, the UK, Japan and the US are an early warning of a debt crisis, or debt purgatory, to come. In the very short term, they signal that inflation is creeping higher whilst a number of policymakers — notably on the Fed’s FOMC — appear complacent about this development.

Equities are trading at record high levels and valuations, mostly because earnings and business cycles are strong. But a very small number of stocks has pushed the market higher, caused in part by the fact that sectors like semiconductors are heavily financialised. What I mean by this is that the deployment of exchange-traded funds and options has surcharged the prices of semiconductor stocks, and likely driven them well above long-term fundamental valuations.

In my view, Intel’s ability to treble in value since the end of March (from USD 41 to USD 129 last week) has less to do with the fundamentals of the company, and more to do with speculation. In support of this, a recent Goldman Sachs note shows that retail investors now account for around 20% of US stock market trading.

Energy prices remind us that in a multipolar world, commodities — or rather their supply and refinement — acquire a premium, and that a number of countries will have to address shortcomings in industrial supply chains. For example, last week Willie Walsh, the former airline chief executive, warned that the UK has scant jet fuel refining capacity. As such, energy infrastructure will be an area for future investment.

In the short term, however, supply pressure may be more acute: oil inventories are being drawn sharply lower. Unless there is a full and speedy resolution to the Iran War, estimates from JP Morgan point to world oil inventories dropping to 6.8 billion barrels by September — just enough to keep refineries operating worldwide.

So, like the Sargasso Sea, market compasses are spinning in different directions, and it is difficult to discern a clear narrative. The confusion arises from the changing geopolitical nature of the world, the fast shift in industrial structure away from ‘bits’ and towards ‘atoms’, shortages of refined oil and compute, and the intense financialisation of specialised sub-industries such as semiconductors and commodities.

Given the disagreement between markets, the obvious question is: which one is right? A ‘two-handed’ economist might argue that the stock, commodity and bond markets are all correct, but on different time frames.

In my experience, the bond market is the most consequential, because when it worries, it imposes a cost on other markets and on political actors. The overused but apt quote from President Clinton’s adviser James Carville in the mid-1990s captures it well: “I used to think that if there was reincarnation, I wanted to come back as the president or the pope or as a .400 baseball hitter. But now I would like to come back as the bond market. You can intimidate everybody.”

So, the ‘market triangle’ or trilemma is resolved by bonds showing their displeasure at high oil and inflation, slowing the economy and walloping the over-bought sections of the stock market.

From a policy angle, bond markets are highlighting the urgent need for policymakers to calm inflation — through rate rises from central banks, and an early test for incoming Fed Chair Kevin Warsh — for governments to reduce debt, and for greater policy clarity in countries like the UK. The silver lining is that credit markets are so far well behaved, signalling that the healthy business cycle should allow for these policy actions to be made now, before it is too late.

Have a great week ahead,  Mike

League of Nations, II

One implication of the recent surge in the price of semiconductor firms is that the stock markets of Taiwan and South Korea are now larger than that of the UK (which in 1900 made up 25% of the world stock market capitalization). It is expected that the two East Asian countries will soon have more billionaires than Britain, many of whom have apparently been scattered to the winds by the Labour government.

Though a country’s stock market is a highly imperfect indicator of a country’s economic standing, it does offer good clues as to evolving industrial structure. Bond yield and currencies help to complete the picture, and the runaway UK 10-year Gilt yield (now above 5%) doesn’t tell a happy story either. Then, on GDP, the country whose rise impresses me is Poland, which has not suffered a recession in the past thirty years (COVID excepted). Its GDP has increased sevenfold since 1990, and by 2030 it is expected to surpass the UK in terms of GDP (based on purchasing power parity). Remarkably, Poland is also shaping up to be a geopolitical power as well.

The loosening of the globalized world order, and the advent of many new risks and challenges – from the impact of AI on economies, to climate damage to war – has the potential to knock some nations back, and present opportunities to others.

As such, we can expect that the rise and fall of stock markets and economies tells us a lot about the rise and fall of nation states. In a world where the established world order is shattered (OPEC is the latest long running institution to fall apart), the rise and fall of countries is accelerating, and has become more vivid. In 2020, in the context of how different countries and states were responding to the COVID crisis, we wrote of the idea of the ‘League of Nations’, and have emphasized the theme ever since.

There are many existing league tables of country performance – happiest nation, most innovative country and most competitive, to name a few. Those league tables tend to be dominated by small, advanced economies. Regular readers will know that one of my favourite long run economic themes is the success of the small, advanced economy model, notably so for the way in which these nations can adapt to changes in the broader world. The UAE is a case in point.

In previous notes I have also made the parallel between football and politics, and this is still valid. A few weeks ago I mentioned that in the last ten years the UK has had more ministers for housing (a whopping 14) than Chelsea FC has had managers (12). Chelsea have recently parted with their latest manager Liam Rosenior, and it might well be that a cabinet reshuffle or change of prime minister leads to Matthew Pennycook moving on from his job as UK housing minister.

Like football, the manager of a country is important. For decades, Singapore and the Emirati states have made a virtue of strong, visionary leadership, Greece’s Kyriakos Mitsotakis and more recently Mark Carney in Canada are associated with turning their nations away from troubled waters.

In today’s League of Nations, the winning formula is changing, and shifting towards all things ‘sovereign’ and ‘atom-like’. For example, last week Canada announced the creation of a sovereign wealth fund to help the buildout of critical infrastructure, and it also laid claim to be the host of the new multilateral defence bank (Chris Collins and I wrote about this in a recent note for Barrons). Further, as I mentioned last week’s note (‘Mythical’), successful countries will need to cultivate their own AI stack, and the merger of Cohere and Aleph Alpha is a sign of things to come (their main shareholder is German but the firm will effectively be Canadian from now).

Then, with a step change in the industrial structure of the developed economies of the world underway, from services and ‘bits’ (software, crypto) to ‘atoms’ (energy, infrastructure, defence, AI and quantum), those countries with the universities, capital base and innovation ecosystems, will thrive. America is the standout example, but the Nordic countries and the economic zones that surround the Alps (particularly Switzerland) are good examples.

One consideration regarding the stature of nations is age and pedigree. One of the elements that makes small, advanced countries successful is that their laws, democracies and institutions have been in place for some time, and therefore offer clarity and consistency to businesses for example. At the same time, as economies get older they can become sclerotic, acquire layers of regulation and fail to engage in the creative destruction necessary to keep economic growth at healthy levels. Whilst this is simply an observation, I have a hunch that like aging athletes, older, large economies (US, Japan, UK, France) resort to a ‘boost’ in order to keep their economies going, which may explain why they are excessively indebted.

A final word in praise of older economies and societies, which relates to the cultures, behaviours and ‘family silver’ they accumulate over time. King Charles III’s various speeches in Washington last week demonstrated the value of heritage, and he might just have saved Britain from relegation to the lower leagues.

Have a great week ahead,

Mike 

Do No Harm

An unusual but non surprising cameo in the response of the UK to the burgeoning energy crisis that is resulting from the Iran War, was the inclusion of Bank of England Governor Andrew Bailey in last Tuesday’s emergency COBRA (Cabinet Office Briefing Room) meeting. The prospect that inflation and a cost-of-living crisis could further derail the fledgling economic recovery in the UK, has struck fear into politicians (the OECD reckons that the UK will be the worst hit country), though monetary policy purists won’t like the appearance that the independence of the ‘Old Lady’ (the Bank not Bailey!) is compromised.

What is more interesting is that this is yet another datapoint in a trend where finance, war and politics are becoming interwoven. In peacetime, central banks were the only game in town, the monetary battleships of the 2010’s, keeping the peace in bond markets and tilting currency moves in their country’s favour.

That was not always the case, books like Liaquat Ahmed’s excellent ‘Lords of Finance’, show the key role that central banks played in maintaining the stability of war time economies.  

Now, the world order that is unravelling before our eyes is more like that of the 1910’s than the 2010’s, and a particular concern for central bankers is the extent to which economies have become frictioned.

By this, I mean the extra costs and inefficiencies that are bubbling up because of the end of globalization (a period associated with intense commoditization of prices and low inflation), a pandemic of supply chain disruption, and great power competition for ‘rare’ things (from rare earths to rare places like Greenland to rare technologies like quantum computing).

In general, these frictions will tend to bump up the rate of inflation. A famous example is the way in which the side effects of the war on Ukraine combined with short-sighted energy policy in Europe to produce a prolonged rise in inflation from 2021 to 2022.

From the point of view of central bankers, inured to a decade of stubbornly low inflation, this was a surprise, and prominent members of the central banking community were badly caught out by their view that this burst of inflation was ‘transitory’. Their difficulty is that the economic context of the 2010’s was characterised by demand weakness whereas the main policy problem of the 2020’s is supply constraint.

We now live in an economy of ‘atoms’ (energy, commodities, deeptech), where historically huge amounts of investment capital expenditure is/are being deployed amidst supply constraints to build a new (AI) economic infrastructure. About half of this will be financed by different forms of credit. Within this model, the debate on the productivity benefits of AI, which has produced a wide range of estimates of the potential impact of AI on the economy, illustrates what a demanding environment it is for central bankers to read.

The potential energy shock from the Iran war complicates matters even more and raises the prospect of a policy error. Echoing the schoolboy mistake by Jean-Claude Trichet to raise interest rates in 2006 when a spike in the dollar helped trigger a spike in oil prices, current ECB President Christine Lagarde has stated that the ECB was ‘ready to raise rates’. This may be a pre-emptive move to push markets to do the ECB’s job, and to warn companies and unions off raising prices. If not, Lagarde and other central bankers should do no harm. A rate rise from the ECB will do nothing to re-open the Strait of Hormuz (good note on the disruptive effects from the Kiel Institute), nor to rebuild refining capacity in the Gulf states.

The dilemma for central bankers is in distinguishing between an energy centric rise in prices and an eventual generalised rise in inflation expectations.

In my view the economic consequences of the Iran War can be short lived, but as long as it endures, amounts to a tax on consumers, a hit to risk appetite and a blow to confidence in US financial assets. Furthermore, the many costs of the war (see our note of two weeks ago, ‘It will be over by Christmas’) include a rise in the debt burden that countries like the US and UK will suffer, and an elevated level of uncertainty as the world’s former policeman turns bully.

It could be worse for central bankers, they could be politicians, who now must contend with another cost-of-living crisis, with little money left in the fiscal jar.

Have a great week ahead, Mike 

Old Money

A recent book, Samuel Moyn’s ‘Gerontocracy in America, highlights the growing concentration of wealth and power in the much older generations in the US, whilst younger generations face historically high valuations in real estate and financial assets, and how this growing intergenerational divide might be mended. Moyn, in my view, has struck a chord that will become one of the new dividing lines in politics, in Asia and the West.

His book brings demographic change into focus, a slow-creeping risk to economies, society and public life, but whose implications are only just surfacing in the public debate. Despite that, from a popular point of view, the sense in many Western countries is that there are too many people, or rather that infrastructure has not kept up pace with population growth – I am writing this in Dublin, which is an excellent case in point.

Yet, the long-run demographic trends – falling fertility, longer life expectancy and a shift in population composition towards a much smaller working (tax paying) population, will have enormous impacts on society, pension systems and debt loads, to name a few economic issues.

As much was evident in Germany’s recent pension reform debate which was nearly upended by Helmut Kohl’s grandson Johannes Volkmann and a group of other young parliamentarians who voiced the right of the younger generation to not have to shoulder the financial burden of their parents’ generation (under the German system, and many others, the working population effectively funds the retirement system of the older generation)..

The best starting point on the outlook for demographics is the United Nations World Population Prospects website. and the data – especially in chart form – are quite striking.

The UN data show that as we approach 2100 the world population will plateau and start to shrink. From roughly 2080 onwards the world population growth rate will turn negative for the first time in centuries (wars apart), as the death rate passes out the birth rate. Within the age cohorts, the over 65 group will expand by a billion people in the next thirty years.  

More specifically, at the country level, the US death rate will surpass the birth rate in around 2040, and population growth is likely to only be sustained by immigration. The picture is worse for some European countries – Italy for example is already in negative population growth territory, and the most negative forecast scenario from the UN has the Italian population dropping from over 60 million today to 25 million by 2100 (the same level as when Garibaldi unified the country).

Equally, China, which has been renowned for its economic and population growth, will endure a collapse in the 24–65-year age group, who today number 830 million people and by 2100 are expected to comprise 280 million people. China is projected to be the country most affected by ageing, with its, China’s elderly dependency ratio is projected to surpass 100% by 2080, meaning there will be more people aged over 65 than those aged 15 to 65.

The expected collapse in the working population begs serious questions for the economy – who will pay taxes, sustain pension systems and where will demand for financial assets come from. Markets are not worried, yet.

In general, researchers find that there is a positive link between demographics and asset prices, a finding that is predicated on the rise of the boomer middle class and the coincident equity bull market and fall in bond yields. The idea is that until they retire, working households invest more in real estate, equities and other riskier assets, but then shift to income-oriented assets like bonds as they get older and require income from investments. The oddity in that respect is that despite an ageing population, equities and real estate are very expensive. This may well owe to a growing investment culture, a record level of wealth (USD 500 trillion worldwide) and the prosperity boon that has resulted from globalization.

In this context, old money will become a political target, both in terms of demands for lower inheritance taxes, to more populist measures to tax the ‘old’ and give the ‘young’. For governments who worry about demand for their bonds, wealthier older citizens might make ideal candidates for financial repression (their children would face lower inheritance tax provided that capital spent a period of ‘purgatory’ invested in government bonds – I outlined a similar theme in ‘Patriotic Capital’)

At the same time, pension systems will have to change to accommodate a proportionately smaller number of workers (to pensioners). Private pension systems will become more common, they will invest more, earlier, with a tilt to riskier assets.

Concurrently, I expect to hear more on the need for states to establish sovereign wealth like funds (based potentially on the sale of state assets) to help provide for future pension liabilities. Another concern will be the need for states to cushion the potential blow of AI on workforces (a fund that holds equity in AI firms might be an avenue), at least through a transition period. In the long term, AI and robotics may well allow more older people to work for longer and for more women to enter the workforce. And, I haven’t managed to tackle the topic of later retirement ages and how that will impact the workforce and society.

The effects of demographics are not yet showing up in markets, and are just creeping into the investment industry, but it will become a major fiscal and financial megatrend.

Have a great week ahead, Mike 

Constellations

One of the highly unique, and fascinating characteristics of this era of unravelling is the way we increasingly look at the world from a geopolitical rather than a geographic point of view. In previous phases in history, geography and geopolitics aligned neatly – for example the democratic West faced off against the communist East while economically, the North was well ahead of the South. Now, select countries from disparate parts of the world share the same dilemmas and challenges. Japan, as a middle power, arguably has more in common geopolitically with the UK, than it does with Indonesia. In turn, Singapore and Ireland, arguably share the same geopolitical stress points.

In the post globalized world, new coalitions and constellations of countries are beginning to emerge. That much was on display at Davos two weeks ago, when Canadian prime minister Mark Carney eloquently pleaded the case of the democratic ‘middle powers’ and the need for them to collaborate. His speech was followed by the far less eloquent launch of Donald Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’, which is a ragtag band of largely developing countries not known for their commitment to the rule of law and appreciation of human rights.

As the various threads of globalization – from the use of the SWIFT payment system to energy pipelines like Nord Stream, the ‘special relationship’ between the UK and the US, NATO, USAID, and many more, fall by the wayside, new groups and alignments emerge, and in the rest of this note I will sketch some of them.

To start at the top of the pyramid, regular readers will know that David Skilling and I have extensively researched the phenomenon of small, advanced economies – a group that spans Sweden, Singapore, New Zealand, the Netherlands, Ireland, Belgium, Norway, Finland, Switzerland, Austria and Denmark, and that may in future incorporate the Gulf States.

Culturally, these countries are very different but share the same economic and social successes (‘happiest place to live’, ‘best rule of law’, ‘highest GDP’), and a common policy recipe that is based on innovation, openness, education and social cohesion. While we have even tried to create a policy forum for these countries (the ‘g20’), they do not act as a formal block, but actively compare notes behind the scenes. For example, the Nordic states are learning from each other and collaborating on immigration, while Ireland urgently needs to follow the examples of Singapore and Norway on defence.

Then, below the small, advanced economies are the ‘middle powers’, sizeable, developed countries, many of whom enjoyed periods of international dominance, but are now beset by demographic issues (ageing and immigration), and are searching for a defined geopolitical role. Japan, the UK, Canada, Korea, Australia and Russia (not big enough economically to be a superpower, and not nice enough either). With the exception of Russia, the middle powers are democracies and most are eager that the world stays much the same as it was during the period of globalization (at least in the case of Keir Starmer). As such they are beginning to hedge bets by aligning with larger powers, Russia with China, and the UK is now cultivating much better relations with the EU.

Looming over the middle powers are the three ‘great powers’ – China, the US and the EU, each with their strengths – military, finance and technology for the US, culture, liberal democracy, well-being and cities in the case of Europe, and industry and cultural cohesion in the case of China.

They will be the pillars of the emerging multipolar world, and in contrast to the globalized era where most countries adopted the American way of doing things, these three ‘blocs’ will increasingly do things their own, culturally specific way. AI is an example, but corporate governance might be another tack. In addition to these three behemoths, a ‘Fourth Pole’ made up of a core of India and the Gulf states, is possible, as we wrote back in November.

Those classifications still leave about fifty percent of the world’s population unaccounted for, whose nations collectively labour under the term ‘Global South’. These countries, from Nigeria to Indonesia to Bangladesh, share similar policy problems – the building of e-commerce driven economies, healthcare and urbanisation, to name a few but they are not at all at the level of policy exchange as the small, advanced economies, and many of them do not have structured economic models.

For some, the idea of the ‘Fourth Pole’ can become an interesting organizing point, but to a very large extent the survival of existing world institutions, from the UN to the World Bank, now depends on the large, populous emerging economies. Equally, the directions that these countries take in their political economy – do they follow the ‘Chinese model’, the European democratic one, or something else altogether. This policy question is vastly underestimated in the discourse on international economics and politics, partly because the ‘great powers’ are not leading by example.

Have a great week ahead, Mike

The UnRavelling Rule

Amidst the slew of corporate earnings and macro-economic data released in the past week, two developments struck me, both of which give the impression of the tectonics of geopolitics pushing against each other.

First, in the past year the number of children born in the US has caught up with the EU, at close to 3.6 million babies each (though the EU has a much bigger population). For comparison, Nigeria – whose population is less than half that of the EU – welcomed 7 million babies last year.

Second, in recent months the trend rate of consumer inflation in Japan has surpassed that of the US for the first time in decades, signalling a long awaiting shift in the Japanese economy that has been accompanied by a rise in long-run bond yields (a potentially critical development for the international financial system).

These two examples will give a sense of the rise and fall of nations, that is accelerating since the fall of globalisation (which I date to the effective end of democracy in Hong Kong). This rise and fall – think of countries like football clubs – is also associated by an unravelling of the world order. For example, in a recent note ‘Atlas Shrugging’, we detailed how the independence of the Federal Reserve was being undercut by the White House, and the attempt to remove Lisa Cook from the Fed’s rate setting committee confirms that Donald Trump wants to direct the Fed as an engine of his economic policy (as a giant bond buying machine I suspect).

The independent Fed has been one of the pillars of the globalised world system of the past forty years – and the snuffing out of its independence heralds the unravelling of that system. In the same way that the period of globalisation was characterised by low inflation and the absence of major wars – the presence of inflation and conflict today, is a sign that we are moving into ‘something else’.

In that context I find myself playing a mind game which I call the ‘Unravelling Rule’. Very simply, it is to identity the principal factors that have supported globalisation and that are positive outcomes of it and identify if and how they are unravelling. The crisis of democracy is one such trend (the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index has fallen to its lowest level in twenty years).

Other certainties are also unravelling – notably the assumption that the USA is an unflinching ally of Europe and many Asian countries, and the possibility that it could even actively undermine them. In this regard, the fact that the Danish government had to summon the US ambassador over the conduct of three Americans in Greenland is troubling and reflects very badly on the White House.

The danger with the ‘Unravelling Rule’ is that in a chaotic world, it is tempting to see unravelling everywhere. It is more obvious though in the case of world institutions – the United Nations, IMF, World Bank and World Trade Organisation, who are frequently ignored by the very large economies, and sometimes badly undermined by them (the WTO is an example). These institutions need to be recast, most likely for the benefit of the populous emerging economies.

On a more speculative basis, there are at least four trends that have marked the past forty years, and that are now worth watching for a change of course.

The first is poverty. It is an underestimated facet of globalisation that it helped a billion people rise out of poverty, according to the World Bank. My concern is that in a world where the major economies (2/3 of the world’s GDP) have debt to GDP ratios above 100%, economic precarity may return, and this time to developed countries. We have already noted (The Road to Serfdom) the extremely high level of inequality in the US and broad economic vulnerability. In Europe, British and French policymakers conjured the spectre of IMF intervention in their economies (it would have to be a new, bigger IMF – which under this White House is unlikely). In that respect the growing disparity in incomes in the UK regions (relative to London) bears watching.

A second is corporate governance and the rule of law as it extends to international business. We have not seen a rule of law or broad governance crisis in sometime, but the rise of decentralised finance (i.e. crypto), the new idiom of the ‘art of the deal’ in the US, and the geopolitically tinged trade relationships that China is developing worldwide. As a global ‘way of doing things’ gives way to more regional or localised approaches, the watertightness of contracts and the oversight of business relationships is something that businesses will need to consider more carefully.

A true litmus test of the ‘Unravelling’ hypothesis will be the role of US multinationals in the world economy. Described as the ‘B-52s’ of globalisation in the late 1990’s by a prominent trade economist, they have shaped the world economy and come to dominate financial markets. I have lost count of the number of charts circulating that declare that Nvidia for example is worth more than the major European stock markets together. Whilst cash rich, they now face a number of challenges – the difficulty of selling into China as it broadens its technological self-sufficiency, and the collateral damage to overseas sales from the Trump trade and foreign policies, and the rise of more specific local tastes in markets like Africa and India.

A final unravelling, and one I would welcome, is for the EU to unleash its nasty side. In the past forty years the successes of the EU – enlargement, holding the euro together and the creation of a European identity (based on borderless travel the Erasmus programme for example). The likes of Poland and Estonia have benefitted greatly from this, and it is fair to say that the UK would be better off ‘in’ than ‘out’. But the emphasis has been largely on soft rather than hard power, and in a ‘harder’ world, the EU will need to take a tougher stance in terms of how it projects itself. 

There are many challenges but three in particular are the potential exclusion of existing and prospective member states like Hungary and Serbia who habitually refuse to act in accordance with EU values and interests, a specifically more aggressive approach to countering sabotage by Russia (and at times China and Iran) in Europe, and then a retaking of the narrative as to what Europe stands for.

Have a great week ahead,

Mike 

Grasshopper

I had intended to write about universities this week but, strolling through the City of London, I was surprised, shocked even, to find myself on Trump Street, and then amused to see that it is joined by Russia Row.

My first thought was that this was part of a grand plan by the British establishment ahead of President Trump’s visit to London in September, the idea being to stage an event at the nearby Guildhall and to then tell the president that a nearby street had been named after him. Trump Street was apparently named so because several trumpet makers lived there in the 18th century, but let’s ignore that for the time being.

Yet, the far more meaningful coincidence of Trump Street is its proximity to Gresham Street.

Sir Thomas Gresham was a trader and financier in 16th century London, at a time when coffee houses in the lanes around the Royal Exchange formed the basis of what is known as the City. Gresham was an important player in Queen Elizabeth I’s economy, and his emblem – a grasshopper – is still present in various parts of the City (there is a giant-sized golden grasshopper on the roof of the Royal Exchange….if you can dare to make it up there).

While Gresham’s imprint can be seen across the City, he is remembered by Gresham’s Law which was named after him and states ‘bad money will drive out the good’. Gresham’s Law which echoes similar observations from Copernicus and other scientists through the ages is founded on the idea that in an economy where coins with the same face value but that are made from different base metals (say nickel and copper) there is a tendency for traders to hoard the coins made of the more valuable metal and to circulate lower quality coins. Bad coins stay in circulation, good ones are re-commoditized. From an economics point of view the law is conditioned on all the coins (of variable quality) having the same face value.

Unlike the 16th century, today, coins have the same physical consistency and in general there is little incentive for people to shave bits off coins (historically coins have serrated edges to prevent this) but broadly the Gresham’s Law is applicable in different domains.

Think of how cheap goods (made under questionable labour conditions) have forced quality players out of markets, or how in the run-up to the global financial crisis, low quality financial institutions offering generous loan conditions caused better quality banks to step back from lending. In both cases, regulation or policing of markets is necessary to ensure that ‘bad’ actors do not gain an advantage over good ones. Social media is another example, where it seems a lot of nonsense thrives at the expense of information.

Additionally, the idea of Gresham’s Law is applicable to politics, where in many countries it appears that political actors with extreme views and extreme modus operandi are forcing out ‘good’ ones in the sense that most normal people would be terrified of a career in politics.

Readers will guess that my argument is leading back to Washington. Bad behaviour, bad ideas and bad policies are infesting themselves in public life, the economy and markets – to the surprise of many ardent supporters of President Trump. What is not clear is whether this will result in an evacuation of capital and talent from the US, or whether there will be a counter-reaction. Gresham’s point in describing how bad money drives out good was to avoid the debasement of the currency (schilling), which when Elizabeth I came to power, was already in a bad state. She appointed Gresham as a finance minister of sorts in 1560, and within a year he had ‘bad’ coins taken out of circulation and replaced them with money made from precious metal, the result of which was a dramatic improvement in Britain’s status as a trading and economic power.

The lesson of this should be very clear today. As a final point, it is interesting to note, from the point of view of coins and money, that the ratio of gold (precious metal) to a cyclical commodity (copper) is the most stretched it has been since at least the 1980’s, suggesting that markets at least are thinking of Gresham’s Law.

Have a great week ahead

Mike