Persepolis

In October 1971, a time when Mao ruled China, Brezhnev was in charge in the USSR and Nixon president of the USA, Maxim’s, the famous Parisian restaurant closed for two weeks so that staff could prepare the restaurant’s greatest order – the feast organised by the Shah of Iran to celebrate the 2500th anniversary of the establishment of the Persian empire by Cyrus the Great.  

The Shah’s celebration became known as the greatest party of all time (Life magazine called it ‘the party of the century’) and became highly controversial for its lavishness. For instance, nearly 300 red Mercedes were used to ferry guests around a large, tented city and in the end Maxim’s and other establishments sent some eighteen tonnes of food to Iran. Waiters had to open and taste all of the bottles of Chateau Lafite Rothschild 1945 for poison. Many of the world’s royal families attended, as did a range of social and political figures from Grace Kelly to Tito to Haile Selassie, to Imelda Marcos. It’s perhaps no surprise that this display of excess was followed a few years later by the Iranian Revolution.

The spectacle of the Shah’s party, his ties to foreign governments and the cruelty of his secret police and a drawn-out recession contributed to months of protests in the late 1970’s, which then led to the Revolution. One of the best accounts of the Revolution is a somewhat accidental one – Desmond Harney’s excellent eyewitness account of the revolution “The Priest and the King.” At the time, Harney worked in Tehran. He had been ready to leave Iran on vacation, but for work-related reasons he remained, and then witnessed the eruption of the revolution around him.

My other Revolution-related thought is of former Ayatollah Khomeini, who, on disembarking the Air France aircraft that took him back to Tehran on the outbreak of the revolution, was asked by ABC anchorman Peter Jennings how he felt about his return to Iran. “Nothing. I feel nothing,” was the alleged response. It gave a pointer as to the austere image Mr. Khomeini wanted to portray and of his cold single-mindedness. The fact that the man who translated Khomeini’s comments, was executed three years later, was another clue as to what would follow.

The regime that Khomeini created has outlasted many others – perhaps only the late Fidel Castro and especially so the late Queen Elizabeth II of England have seen as many US presidents, German chancellors, among others, pass on and off the world stage. While Iran has until recently been a dominant player in the Middle East from a geostrategic point of view, it has, to be polite, not been an economic success.

Thus, in keeping with the template of revolutions, high prices, scarcity of food and fuel, and a broken economy, are triggering protests across Iran, that have become so vast, that expectations are growing that Iranians may eject their leadership. That moment may not be too far off, but the path to an Iran that benefits its people remains a difficult one.

Not only are its geriatric rulers stubbornly cut off from its people and the outside world, they have historically, to a worrying extent (this was especially the case under former prime minister Mahmoud Ahmadinejad), relied on heightened tension with the US, Israel and other ‘enemies’ for political oxygen. Also, economically, Iran is like Russia in that most of the assets and resources in the economy are held by a small number of people (IRG, business owners, clerics) who form a sclerotic elite around the theocrats. Breaking their hold on the economy will be difficult, even under a new regime.

Neither is regime change obvious. The name of the Shah’s son Reza Pahlavi is circulating widely (in the West) as a possible figurehead, but the story of the ‘greatest party’ and the memories of his brutality are at least two reasons why he will not lead a ‘new’ Iran. At the same time, it is not obvious what individuals or groups might replace the regime, if it came to that.

A further complication is that Iranians are highly distrustful of interventions from abroad, indeed some people joke that Iran is the only country in the world where MI6 is still considered to be a force to be reckoned with. Military intervention by the US or other states may not be welcome.

The EU is slightly less distrusted than the US and the UK, and it should take a more active stance – in terms of further sanctions, asylum for the hundreds of young people who have been jailed, organise the supply of communication technology into Iran (VPN’s, satellite technology), and potentially begin to plan to assist and shape a transition process.

Iran has been weakened economically by sanctions, humiliated by Israel and had its military capability enfeebled but sadly, the state still has an array of resources with which to repress its people.

My sense is that the brutal repression in Iran will continue now (with very little visible public support in the US and Europe), and the economy will weaken further. An opening may come when the Supreme Leader, Khamenei dies – he is 86 and suffers from cancer. This event could provide the cover for a discrete but meaningful shift in policy, and the start of negotiations on sanctions and Iran’s nuclear program, and the beginning of a more promising era.

Have a great weekend ahead, Mike