Is Labour Ready?

Rishi Sunak’s sodden, tragi-comic, and surprise announcement of a UK general election was an amusing episode in a so far uneventful ‘year of democracy’.

The announcement was a boon to headline writers, who had fun with phrases like ‘Drowning St’. My attention was piqued by the background music ‘things can only get better’ (D:Ream), which added to the farce, but which British political aficionados will recognise as the song that was also used by Tony Blair’s New Labour party in their 1997 election campaign.

At the time, I was finishing my studies and happened to be in London on the day of the election, and vividly recall walking past Downing St, where the sense of a new era was palpable. Today, the challenge for Keir Starmer is whether he can spura new era of growth and renewal in the UK, or whether his party simply turns out to be ‘not the Tories’.

In the late 1990’s, Blair’s government, bolstered by a very strong front bench, had spent a long time preparing for government, and once in power made a series of dramatic policy moves (see our recent note ‘Does debt smother politics?). By comparison, the most important question for the July 4th election – with the Tories 21 points behind Labour in the polls and destined to be wiped out (some 100 sitting MP’s, mostly Tories, will not stand this time) is, how ready are Labour?

Whilst the election announcement has taken many Tory MPs by surprise, my sense is that Labour would also have much preferred a November election – they still must find candidates for over 80 seats and faces a few awkward spots such as Islington North where Jeremy Corbyn will stand as an independent. Indeed, the fact that both the Tories and Labour are logistically unprepared for a July election might benefit the Liberal Democrats, which opens up a small chance of a coalition government (importantly electoral reform would be the price of this).

To date, Keir Starmer’s Labour has given relatively few details on its program, partly to allow space for the Tories to slip up and partly not to skew the debate on the outlook for the economy. This will be Labour’s greatest challenge.

When Blair came to power in 1997 the British economy was bigger than that of China and India together, the world was under the steam of globalization and debt to GDP in the UK was close to 40%. Today, China regards Britain as a ‘little island’ (nothing wrong with little islands!), globalization has come asunder and debt to GDP is 100%.

I suspect that if there are early, dramatic wins for Starmer, they will be in tax (cutting back exemptions for the wealthy and potentially a wealth tax), corruption (standards in public life), and institutional reform (end of the House of Lords?).

Revitalising the economy will take longer, notably because Labour will initially stick to the UK’s fiscal rules and take pains to avoid any early volatility in the pound and gilt markets. In order to enact its plans for technology and ‘green energy’ investment Labour will most likely have to create partnership with international institutional investors.

Outside of these areas it is not clear to me how Labour can immediately reverse the damage done to educational, social services (NHS) and the fabric of small towns and cities, exacted by the Tories. It will require a level of imagination, funding and policy continuity not seen in British politics for decades.

In foreign policy, Labour’s approach will be a much less contentious one – relations with Ireland (which have deteriorated since Johnson) will be much warmer, and the approach to the EU will most likely be less confrontational and more collaborative. Whilst David Lammy (shadow foreign secretary) has spent a decent amount of time in the US, courting Republicans and Democrats, the scenario of a Trump presidency and a Labour government is a high probability one, but a configuration that would stretch the notion of a ‘special relationship’. 

In defence I expect little headline level changes to Britain’s commitments, but the shadow defence minister John Healey will likely re-organise the military command and HQ, and importantly spend a good deal of time reorganising defence investment and procurement so that it gives ‘value for money’. 

In the next few weeks, Labour faces twin, urgent challenges – mobilising the party across the UK, focusing on making inroads in the south and Scotland, and then preparing for government in the context of a gargantuan challenge.

The good news is that the summer holidays start just after the election which I suspect will mean that the effective policy launch of the new government will kick off in September.

Have a great week ahead,

Mike

IQ v. AI

My friend David Skilling published an interesting note last week on the dangers of a Liz Truss style fiscal accident in the US. Many readers will recall that in 2022 Truss’ mooted economic policy led to an unwind in the gilt market.  

The US has some of the ingredients that sparked the fall in gilts, very high debt levels and a political system that has managed to make Truss look normal (she is now a regular on the far-right circuit). That said, the US economy is robust, so it would in my view require a Trump led ‘rule of law’ crisis to profoundly upset the Treasury market.

Without dwelling too much on Liz Truss, who like many others appears increasingly radicalised by the American right, she is often invoked as an example of someone who is intelligent in an academic sense, but at the same time possessing no emotional intelligence (Amelia Oudéa Castéra is another recent example). An incorrect extension of this supposition is that people with high quality degrees in maths and physics should not enter politics.

Arguably, we need more scientists and mathematicians in government. For instance Singapore’s prime minister is a mathematician and economist. Returning to the UK another example comes in the form of David Willetts, who for a long time performed the role as the Tory party’s ‘boffin’ or in-house intellectual.

He was minister for Universities and Science between 2010 to 2014, where one of his roles was mapping the eight technologies of the future (AI and semiconductors, Satellites and Space, Robotics and Autonomous Systems, Geonomics and Synthetics Biology, Regenerative Medicine, Agri-Science, Advanced Materials and Nanotechnology, and Energy and its Storage) and how a national industrial policy could be built around them.

In 2023 in a very interesting document (if this is what excites you), Willetts published a review of the ‘Eight Technologies’ and subsequent UK industrial policy. It is full of anecdotes on political life, including a sketch of Nicholas Ridley’s (former Secretary of State for Trade and Industry) approach to his role as “no in tray, no out tray, only an ash tray”.

More seriously, the document helps to understand the hollowed out nature of the UK economy today, the bankrupting of industrial and education policy and the enormous task facing a (likely) incoming Labour government. I will emphasise a couple of things.

The first is that the pinpointing of the technologies of the future was, broadly, spot on. The second is that there were far too few people in politics and policy who had the requisite education to interrogate technologies such as satellites and robotics. Third was the debilitating effect of multiple reorganisations of innovation focused departments and a hollowing out of the capabilities needed to support innovation (third level education). Ultimately this produced an economic model and mindset that was not sincerely invested in innovation and that accepted Liz Truss’ budget as a viable plan to support economic growth.

It is also a mindset that has veered away from trying to frame a serious regulatory policy around new technologies like artificial intelligence (AI). The current UK government has a stated policy of ‘not regulating AI’, presumably because it hopes that a regulatory race to the bottom will attract AI focused investment.

This lacuna creates a difficulty for the Labour party, who have promised a coherent policy framework around AI (coming soon apparently). To date, the Labour point person on innovation and AI Peter Kyle has stressed the need for the government to streamline regulation so that innovation in tech is not unnecessarily impeded and has lauded the need for AI to drive the economy ‘create 10 DeepMinds’.

However, there is a looming policy battle between one side of the party that wants to promote innovation (Tony Blair Institute for example) and the unions on the other (the TUC has prepared papers on the impact of AI on the jobs market) that is more skeptical. The TUC paper is not particularly thorough and reads more like something a management consultant than a labour market specialist has cobbled together. It gives little sense of how AI will change the ways we work – how it could enable workers in industrial sectors and undermine those in white collar services for example.

That is a pity because, in the context of an AI bubble, the impact that AI will have on work is one of the emerging questions that need answering. Already a number of initiatives are springing up, such as the Martin School at Oxford and MIT’s Shaping the Future of Work project which is already throwing up some interesting policy recommendations.

If the UK wants to be a credible leader in AI it should follow an example Willetts outlines in his paper on an ‘extremely effective British official campaign during the 1980s to shape mobile phone standards in Europe and then globally around its operating system. Influencing the setting of international standards is key especially if they can be linked to intellectual property’.

It is now too late for the UK to set the standard in AI, but it might play an important role in helping to make the new EU framework (EU AI Act and supporting AI innovation package) more commercial, and more easily financed.

As Liz Truss said, we need an economic NATO in Europe.

Have a great week ahead,

Mike